examples of social injustice

    social injustice

  • when a group of people are treated unfairly
  • Social Injustice is a concept relating to the claimed unfairness or injustice of a society in its divisions of rewards and burdens and other incidental inequalities.

    examples

  • A thing characteristic of its kind or illustrating a general rule
  • (example) model: a representative form or pattern; “I profited from his example”
  • A printed or written problem or exercise designed to illustrate a rule
  • (example) exemplar: something to be imitated; “an exemplar of success”; “a model of clarity”; “he is the very model of a modern major general”
  • A person or thing regarded in terms of their fitness to be imitated or the likelihood of their being imitated
  • (example) an item of information that is typical of a class or group; “this patient provides a typical example of the syndrome”; “there is an example on page 10”

examples of social injustice – Everyday Justice:

Everyday Justice: The Global Impact of Our Daily Choices
Everyday Justice: The Global Impact of Our Daily Choices
Where does your chocolate come from? Does it matter if your coffee is fair trade or not? It matters–more than you might think. Julie Clawson takes us on a tour of everyday life and shows how our ordinary lifestyle choices have big implications for justice around the world. She unpacks how we get our food and clothing and shows us the surprising costs of consumer waste. How we live can make a difference not only for our own health but also for the well-being of people across the globe. The more sustainable our lifestyle, the more just our world will be. Everyday justice is one way of loving God and our neighbors. We can live more ethically, through the little and big decisions we make every day. Here’s how.

Wouter Osterholt & Elke Uitentuis – Paraiso Ocupado, 2012

Wouter Osterholt & Elke Uitentuis - Paraiso Ocupado, 2012
Replica of an apartment in the Abraham Lincoln Tower, Rio de Janeiro.

The Ideal Place
Nest, Den Haag 2012

A campaign to counter the social segregation of Barra da Tijuca, a neighborhood in the south west of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.

This project is focussed on what used to be called ‘Athaydeville’ an area in Barra da Tijuca that nowadays is called Centro da Barra. Barra da Tijuca in Rio de Janeiro is known as an area for the rich, the fortress of the ‘nouveau riche’, providing a way to escape from the violence and unsafety in the city. Barra is often characterized as the ‘new Miami’, with distances requiring the use of cars and a landscape defined by its shoppingmalls, condominiums and gated communities. Barra da Tijuca represents the mentality of a city in which people, if they are able to afford, prefer to withdraw themselves behind the walls of gated communities. We believe that these places create a bigger segregation and therefor a greater social injustice.

In order to understand Barra da Tijuca we focussed our project on the early urban devellopment. In the sixties Barra was still underdeveloped. It was a beautiful natural reserve with clean and quiet beaches, swamps and a big variation of vegetation and animals. The city of Rio de Janeiro needed to expand its borders because of population growth and Barra provided the space. In the early adds of the new developments, Barra was promoted like: ‘O paraiso existe: este aqui!’ (Paradise exists: it is here!) or ‘Viva no paraiso: a nova forma de viver’ (Living in paradise: a new way of living). Most of these new projects would be constructed in urban islands, like Athaydeville. In the late sixties the main devellopments started and the open fields, swamps and dunes soon became an urban eldorado for real estate developers and the paradise got occupied.

It is said that when Rio de Janeiro ceased to be Brazil’s capital in 1960, the city government wanted to compromise this loss of importance by competing with Brasilia’s ambitious modernistic urban planning and architecture. Rio needed to invest in an urban development that was similair spectacular. So they asked Lucio Costa to design a masterplan for the urban expansions towards the SouthWest of the city, that was bigger than the master plan of Brasilia. But unlike Brasilia, Costa could not start from scratch; the land in Barra was already divided by a lot of different private investors who had speculated with the land during the sixties. The political situation was very unstable. Some years before the developments in Barra started, the coup took place that resulted in a military regime. The dictatorship stimulated capitalist industrialization. In 1967 the economy began an impressive climb. Sadly, in those years of the supposed “economic miracles,” criticism and labor unrest were suppressed with arrests, torture, and censorship. This political climate gave space for speculation and corruption. One of the people that took full advantage of it was Mucio Athayde.

Mucio Athayde, the developer that worked together with Oscar Niemeyer created a plan for Centro da Barra. This plan was called Athaydeville and it would include 76 residential towers, with sophisticated names like: Torre Abraham Lincoln, Torre Charles de Gaulle, Torre Ernst Hemmingway and Torre Jean Jaques Rousseau. In the promised plans the towers would be accompanied with public community services like a school, a club, parks etc. The municipality was afraid of an uncontrolled urban sprawl of hundreds of these towers, so they commissioned Lucio Costa to regulate the urban growth in the region. Lucio Costa liked Niemeyers design and based his Master plan of Barra on the design of Niemeyer. The original plan of Lucio Costa included several ‘islands’ of circular towers for different social classes with in between the preservation of the natural landscape. Lucio Costa’s master plan was supposed to be used as an open grid; the architects should have had the artistic freedom to experiment and use their own signature. Also he wanted to leave parts of the region open, in order to plan these parts in a later phase. Lucio Costa needed the control of a powerful municipality that would support this approach, but instead the local politicians seemed to be more in favor of the private sector that proposed clear money-making plans. This frustrated Costa so much, that he disconnected himself from the project. Despite all the advertisement campaigns the circular towers of Mucio Athayde didn’t become very successful either. Due to construction flaws and bad design the project failed completely. People didn’t want to live inside tiny apartments that looked like pizza slices. This failure gave way to other developers that started building more successful condominiums, with less sophisticated names like: Sun Coast, Costa Blanca, Sunset, Aloha and Barra Summer Dream.

Our research is concentrated on one of the circular towers, called the Abraham Lincoln tower. ‘De

We're Sooo Progressive!

We're Sooo Progressive!
Yes Meghan, we come from a long line of progressives. I’m for the little man! There are so many social injustices today especially with so many people out of work. We should help mr. obama by re-educating Americans like our progressive forefathers.

"In the United States, the term progressivism emerged in the late 19th century into the 20th century in reference to a more general response to the vast changes brought by industrialization: an alternative to both the traditional conservative response to social and economic issues and to the various more radical streams of socialism and anarchism which opposed them. Political parties, such as the Progressive Party, organized at the start of the 20th century, and progressivism made great strides under American presidents Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Lyndon Baines Johnson".

Contemporary Progressivism
The fourth and current liberal Progressive movement grew out of social activism movements, Naderite and populist left political movements in conjunction with the civil rights, GLBT (Gay rights), women’s or feminist, and environmental movements of the 1960s-1980s.[28] This exists as a cluster of political, activist, and media organizations ranging in outlook from centrism (eg. Reform Party of the United States of America) to left-liberalism to social democracy (like the Green Party) and sometimes even democratic socialism (like the Socialist Party USA).

Modern American progressivism includes political figures such as Barack Obama who calls himself a progressive, as do Joe Biden[29], Hillary Clinton[30], John Kerry[31] Bernie Sanders, Russ Feingold, Al Franken, Debbie Stabenow, Dennis Kucinich, Mike Gravel, Cynthia McKinney, John Edwards, Sherrod Brown, Kathleen Sebelius, David McReynolds, Ralph Nader, Howard Dean, Peter Camejo, Al Gore, and the late Paul Wellstone and Ted Kennedy. Also in this category are many leaders in the women’s movement, cosmopolitanism, the labor movement, the American civil rights movement, the environmental movement, the immigrant rights movement, and the gay and lesbian rights movement. Other well-known progressives include Noam Chomsky, Cornel West, Howard Zinn, Michael Parenti, George Lakoff, Michael Lerner, and Urvashi Vaid.

Significant publications include The Progressive magazine, The Nation, The New Republic, The American Prospect, The Huffington Post, Mother Jones, In These Times, CounterPunch, and AlterNet.org. Broadcasting outlets include Air America Radio, the Pacifica Radio network, Democracy Now!, and certain community radio stations. Notable media voices include Cenk Uygur, Alexander Cockburn, Barbara Ehrenreich, Juan Gonzalez, Amy Goodman, Thom Hartmann, Arianna Huffington, Jim Hightower, the late Molly Ivins, Ron Reagan, Rachel Maddow, Bill Maher, Stephanie Miller, Mike Malloy, Keith Olbermann, Greg Palast, Randi Rhodes, Betsy Rosenberg, Ed Schultz, David Sirota, and The Young Turks (talk show).

Modern issues for progressives can include[citation needed]: electoral reform (including instant runoff voting, proportional representation and fusion candidates), environmental conservation, pollution control and environmentalism, same-sex marriage, easy access to abortion, universal health care, abolition of the death penalty, affordable housing, a viable Social Security System, renewable energy, smart growth urban development, a living wage and pro-union policies, among many others.

Examples of the broad range of progressive texts include: New Age Politics by Mark Satin; Why Americans Hate Politics by E.J. Dionne, Jr.; Community Building: Renewing Spirit & Learning in Business edited by Kazimierz Gozdz; Ecopolitics: Building a Green Society by Daniel Coleman; and Nickel and Dimed by Barbara Ehrenreich.

The main current national progressive parties are the Democratic Party and the Green Party of the United States. The Democratic Party has major-party status in all fifty States, while there are state Green Parties or affiliates with the national Green Party in most states. The most successful non-major state-level progressive party is the Vermont Progressive Party. However, progressives often shy away from parties and align within more community-oriented activist groups, coalitions and networks, such as the Maine People’s Alliance and Northeast Action.

examples of social injustice

The Beauty Bias: The Injustice of Appearance in Life and Law
“It hurts to be beautiful” has been a cliche for centuries. What has been far less appreciated is how much it hurts not to be beautiful. The Beauty Bias explores our cultural preoccupation with attractiveness, the costs it imposes, and the responses it demands.

Beauty may be only skin deep, but the damages associated with its absence go much deeper. Unattractive individuals are less likely to be hired and promoted, and are assumed less likely to have desirable traits, such as goodness, kindness, and honesty. Three quarters of women consider appearance important to their self image and over a third rank it as the most important factor.

Although appearance can be a significant source of pleasure, its price can also be excessive, not only in time and money, but also in physical and psychological health. Our annual global investment in appearance totals close to $200 billion. Many individuals experience stigma, discrimination, and related difficulties, such as eating disorders, depression, and risky dieting and cosmetic procedures. Women bear a vastly disproportionate share of these costs, in part because they face standards more exacting than those for men, and pay greater penalties for falling short.

The Beauty Bias explores the social, biological, market, and media forces that have contributed to appearance-related problems, as well as feminism’s difficulties in confronting them. The book also reviews why it matters. Appearance-related bias infringes fundamental rights, compromises merit principles, reinforces debilitating stereotypes, and compounds the disadvantages of race, class, and gender. Yet only one state and a half dozen localities explicitly prohibit such discrimination. The Beauty Bias provides the first systematic survey of how appearance laws work in practice, and a compelling argument for extending their reach. The book offers case histories of invidious discrimination and a plausible legal and political strategy for addressing them. Our prejudices run deep, but we can do far more to promote realistic and healthy images of attractiveness, and to reduce the price of their pursuit.

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